Resumen de Le principe d'inaccessibilité de la phonologie par la syntaxe: trois contre-exemples apparents en français
Philip H. Miller, Geoffrey K. Pullum, Arnold M. Zwicky
It has been proposed that there is a universal principle of grammar denying access to phonological information by syntactic rules (in English, the Principle of Phonology-Free Syntax). This paper examines three cases in French that appear to falsify this principle: (i) the claimed relevance of syllable count in describing the placement of attributive adjectives; (ii) mention of consonantality in stating the agreement rule for adverbial TOUT; and (iii) preposition choice (e.g. EN vs. AU) with geographical proper names. We show using independent evidence that the analyses employing phonology-sensitive syntax are wrong and that the prediction of the universal principle is correct.
