On the Empirical Scope and Theoretical Status of the OC-NC Generalization

• Autores: Dmitry Ganenkov
• Localización: Linguistic inquiry, ISSN 0024-3892, Vol. 50, Nº 4, 2019, págs. 778-802
• Idioma: inglés
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• Resumen

  • The article discusses the OC-NC generalization (Landau 2004, 2015) that establishes a relationship between the obligatory control nature of a construction and its semantic (tensedness/attitude) and formal (morphological agreement) properties. I discuss three counterexamples attested in languages of the Caucasus and demonstrate that complements of desiderative verbs in these languages violate predictions of the generalization: agreeing tensed complements instantiate obligatory control, or uninflected tensed complements are noncontrolled. I also give references to other potential counterexamples and discuss issues raised by the empirical evidence, ultimately arguing that no such typological universal holds.