The article shows that, in spite of their DP-internal appearance, many instances of the English preposition of and of the French preposition de can be reanalyzed as being VP-external. Moreover, it is argued that what looks like movement of a bare quantifier turns out to be remnant movement.
It is also claimed that each +N subpart of DP must get its own Case, which means that (non-head) phrases never have Case.
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