Barcelona, España
This paper puts forward an analysis of cliticization within the framework of phases (cf. Chomsky 2000 et seq.). In particular, it is argued that object clitics in Romance A-move as XPs to the v*P phase edge, adhering to standard locality constraints (the Phase Impenetrability Condition). The proposal is explored in the context of clitic climbing (and “restructuring”), which is related here to the existence of defective domains where the relevant Probe (v*) fails to assign Case to the Goal (the clitic). Finally, the possibility that semantic effects are associated to climbing (cf. Uriagereka 2002) is also considered, in line with the interpretation triggered by displacement processes of the object shift sort (cf. Chomsky 2001).
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