Traumatic experiences of the catastrophe –nakba– after 72 years as perceived by the first generation

• Autores: Iyad Khamaysa
• Directores de la Tesis: Francisco Entrena Durán (dir. tes.)
• Lectura: En la Universidad de Granada ( España ) en 2022
• Idioma: inglés
• ISBN: 9788411174404
• Número de páginas: 300
• Títulos paralelos:
  • Experiencias traumáticas de la catástrofe - Nakba - después de 72 años percibidas por la primera generación
• Tribunal Calificador de la Tesis: José-Francisco Jiménez-Díaz (presid.), Rosa María Soriano Miras (secret.), Bassam Yousef Ibrahim Banat (voc.), Rubén Rodríguez Puertas (voc.), Víctor Manuel Muñoz Sánchez (voc.)
• Programa de doctorado: Programa de Doctorado en Estudios Migratorios por la Universidad de Granada; la Universidad de Jaén y la Universidad Pablo de Olavide
• Materias:
  • Demografía
    • Demografía histórica
      • Migraciones
  • Psicología
    • Psicología social
  • Filosofía
    • Filosofía de la ciencia
      • Filosofía de las ciencias sociales
• Enlaces
  • Tesis en acceso abierto en: DIGIBUG
• Resumen

  • The current dissertation aims to investigate the traumatic experiences of the Nakba as perceived by the first generation. The study approached literature as a multi-dimensional phenomenon, which tackled both theoretical and empirical research. The importance of the study is that it is the first topic, which proposes trauma among the first generation of Palestinian refugees and with large sample size, covering all refugee camps in the Palestinian territories following 73 years after the Nakba. The study will be a vital reference for psychologists and sociologists in general and those interested in refugee memory narratives and the impact of trauma on individuals (i.e., those interested in the Palestinian cause) in particular. To achieve this end, the study adopted the descriptive approach using the quantitative questionnaire design method, which is appropriate to the research and provides in-depth data in the narratives of those who experienced the traumatic events in the Palestinian context. The target population consisted of 12182, the first generation of Palestinian refugees residing in the West Bank and Gaza Strip refugee camps in 2020. The overall sample was constituted of 1365 the first generation of Palestinian refugees (539 males and 826 females) selected in a stratified method, according to gender, region, and camps.

    Traumatic experiences of the Nakba were assessed using an index of a 46-item scale of Checklist of Traumatic Experiences (CTE), with international measurement standards; it was suitable as to psychometric properties, transcultural validity, and conciseness of previous use in refugee populations. The researcher approached participants in refugee camps in the West Bank and Gaza Strip and asked them to complete the questionnaire. However, interviews with older persons aged 75 and above were conducted in their homes inside the camps. Data were analyzed using the Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS-20).

    The findings reveal that the variables of gender, religion degree, social status, number of children, education level, and age are significant predictors of the traumatic experiences of the Nakba as perceived by the first generation. Moreover, the study reveals that there is a negative correlation between the number of children and traumatic experiences. Besides, there is a positive correlation between age and traumatic experiences. There are differences in the traumatic experiences of the Nakba as perceived by the first generation according to gender and the region. Besides, there are differences in the traumatic experiences of the Nakba as perceived by the first generation according to the region and place of residence. Furthermore, there are statistically significant differences in the traumatic experiences of the Nakba as perceived by the first generation according to gender and religion degree. There are statistically significant differences in the degree of traumatic experiences of the Nakba as perceived by the first generation compared to the degree of traumatic experiences among Palestinian refugees. Furthermore, there are no significant differences in the traumatic experiences of the Nakba years as perceived by the first generation according to the region. There are no statistically significant differences in the traumatic experiences of the Nakba perceived by the first generation according to gender and education level. Their narratives refer to many traumatic experiences, including arrest and humiliation, being stuck in camps and diaspora, helplessness, anxiety and fear, insecurity and uncertainty, death and mourning, loss of dignity and the right to return, and loss of everything (land, human, properties, dream of the return, identity, and dignity).

    In light of the study results and the discussion, the study recommends demanding international organizations to pressure Israel to release information about Palestinians missing since and after the Nakba, both those who have been deported by Israel to other countries, and those who have been killed and buried in mass graves or cemeteries of numbers for its tragic effects on the life of their families in particular, and Palestinians in general. Further research is essential to expand the understanding of the collective memory of trauma of the Nakba among Palestinian refugees in general within different methodological contexts and within determinants in the Palestinian context. More research is needed on traumatic experiences among Palestinian generations and tracking of subsequent traumas. It is also recommended a comparative study of the traumatic experiences of the Nakba among first and second-generation forcibly displaced in the diaspora. As well, perceived effectiveness of coping strategies and manage stress, especially when faced with several tragic events.

    Resumen La presente disertación pretende investigar las experiencias traumáticas de la Nakba tal y como las percibe la primera generación. El estudio aborda la literatura como un fenómeno multidimensional, que aborda tanto la investigación teórica como la empírica. La importancia del estudio radica en que es el primer tema, que propone el trauma en los refugiados de mayor edad (primera generación) y con un gran tamaño de muestra, que abarca todos los campos de refugiados en los territorios palestinos después de 73 años de la Nakba. El estudio será una referencia importante para los psicólogos y sociólogos en general, así como para los interesados en las narrativas de la memoria de los refugiados y el impacto del trauma en los individuos (es decir, los interesados en la causa palestina) en particular. Para lograr este fin, el estudio adoptó el enfoque descriptivo utilizando el método de diseño de cuestionario cuantitativo, que es apropiado para la investigación y proporciona datos en profundidad en las narrativas de quienes experimentaron los eventos traumáticos en el contexto palestino. La población objetivo consistió en 12182 refugiados palestinos de edad avanzada que residían en los campos de refugiados de Cisjordania y la Franja de Gaza en 2020. La muestra total estaba constituida por 1365 mayores (539 hombres y 826 mujeres) seleccionados con un método estratificado, según el género, la región y los campamentos.

    Las experiencias traumáticas de la Nakba se evaluaron utilizando un índice de una escala de 46 ítems de la Lista de Experiencias Traumáticas (CTE), con estándares de medición internacionales; era adecuada en cuanto a propiedades psicométricas, validez transcultural y concisión de uso previo en poblaciones de refugiados. El investigador se dirigió a los participantes en los campos de refugiados de Cisjordania y la Franja de Gaza y les pidió que completaran el cuestionario. Sin embargo, las entrevistas con las personas mayores de 75 años se realizaron en sus hogares dentro de los campamentos. Los datos recogidos fueron tratados con el SPSS-20 (Statistical Package for Social Sciences).

    Los resultados revelan que las variables de género, grado de religión, estatus social, número de hijos, nivel educativo y edad son predictores significativos de las experiencias traumáticas de la Nakba percibidas por la primera generación. Además, el estudio revela que existe una correlación negativa entre el número de hijos y las experiencias traumáticas. Además, existe una correlación positiva entre la edad y las experiencias traumáticas. Existen diferencias en las experiencias traumáticas de la Nakba percibidas por la primera generación según el género y la región. Además, hay diferencias en las experiencias traumáticas de la Nakba percibidas por la primera generación según la región y el lugar de residencia. Además, existen diferencias estadísticamente significativas en las experiencias traumáticas de la Nakba percibidas por la primera generación según el género y el grado de religión. Existen diferencias estadísticamente significativas en el grado de experiencias traumáticas de la Nakba percibidas por la primera generación en comparación con el grado de experiencias traumáticas entre los refugiados palestinos. Además, no hay diferencias significativas en las experiencias traumáticas de los años de la Nakba percibidas por la primera generación según la región. No hay diferencias estadísticamente significativas en las experiencias traumáticas de la Nakba percibidas por la primera generación según el género y el nivel educativo. Sus relatos hacen referencia a muchas experiencias traumáticas, como la detención y la humillación, el estar atrapados en campos y en la diáspora, la impotencia, la ansiedad y el miedo, la inseguridad y la incertidumbre, la muerte y el luto, la pérdida de la dignidad y del derecho al retorno, y la pérdida de todo (tierra, personas, propiedades, sueño del retorno, identidad y dignidad).

    Basándose en los resultados del estudio y en el debate, el estudio recomienda exigir a las organizaciones internacionales que presionen a Israel para que haga pública la información sobre los palestinos desaparecidos desde y después de la Nakba, tanto los que han sido deportados por Israel a otros países, como los que han sido asesinados y enterrados en fosas comunes o cementerios de cifras por sus trágicos efectos en la vida de sus familias en particular, y de los palestinos en general. Es esencial seguir investigando para ampliar la comprensión de la memoria colectiva del trauma de la Nakba entre los refugiados palestinos en general dentro de diferentes contextos metodológicos y dentro de los determinantes en el contexto palestino. Se necesita más investigación sobre las experiencias traumáticas entre las generaciones palestinas y el seguimiento de los traumas posteriores. También se recomienda un estudio comparativo de las experiencias traumáticas de la Nakba entre la primera y la segunda generación de desplazados forzosos en la diáspora. Así como la eficacia percibida de las estrategias de afrontamiento y gestión del estrés, especialmente cuando se enfrentan a eventos trágicos.

    1.1 Introduction 1.2 The traumatic experiences of refugees Armed conflict increases worldwide, like Palestine, Syria, Afghanistan, and Iraq. Palestinian people living in war zones are at a high risk of developing post-traumatic stress and other emotional disorders (Dupuy and Rustad, 2018). However, little is known about the effects of traumatic events during war and occupation (Thabet et al., 2002). Recent events in the Sheikh Jarrah neighborhood of Jerusalem and the war in the Gaza Strip in May 2021 have created fear, anger, and frustration among people inside and outside the Palestinian territories. The recent wars' toll of at least 232 martyrs and 1900 injured in the Gaza Strip, 67 children were martyred warrants attention (Palestinian Ministry of Health, 2021; Tanous, 2021).

    During the Nakba, Palestinian refugees experienced many stress factors, including extreme violence, massacres, and loss of relatives, sons, homes, and properties. They were uprooted from their villages and exposed to numerous traumatic loss experiences. They suffered significant losses in family members and personal resources, scattered in camps in Palestine and beyond, and separated from family and community relations. The economic, social, and existential dilemmas led to hopelessness, helplessness, and grief (Abu Hija, 2018). Since 1948, Palestinians have suffered from frequent episodes of war and conflict, which have occurred roughly every seven to ten years. Therefore, Palestinians live under severe conditions with the sense that every nine years, there is a war or an Intifada (Uprising), compounded with an ongoing sense of oppression caused by the occupation (UNRWA, 2017). Moreover, Palestinian refugees have increased from one million in 1950 to more than 13.7 million in 2020 (Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics-PCBS, 2020). Palestinian refugees in the Gaza Strip, who make up about two-thirds of the population, are in difficult economic and political conditions.

    Palestinian refugees experience various kinds of stress associated with the occupation. Punamäki (1986) showed that the prior experiences caused by Israeli forces lead to more stress than the daily life problems among the Palestinian population. 77% of the first generation of Palestinian refugees reported going through traumatic experiences (Dayyeh et al., 2018); this experience often leads to many mental health problems, including fear, anxiety, withdrawal, depression, guilt, despair, grief, PTSD, hopelessness, anger, psychiatric symptoms. Also, there are problems in the family, work, marital relationships, and adaptation. Life within refugee camps has its own set of issues, including a poor and crowded, lack of health and recreational resources, uncertainty, sense of loss, powerlessness, helplessness, distrust, over-dependency, social disintegration, crime, vulnerability, and violence (Marsella et al., 2004; Brewin et al., 2000; Banat, 2014; Khamaysa, 2012).

    The experiences of refugees who have been exposed to traumatic events are often the first to be given attention when it comes to gaining information or data on the topic, especially if these are in line with dominant political violence, the culture that reflects right of return, and enhance the collective memory that related to the 1948 war. The culture plays a vital role in choosing the forms of transmission of memory through Palestinian generations, commemorating their displacement and strengthening this process. Older refugees may die, but sons and descents will never forget. Refugees living in diaspora camps were also denied the right to return to their lands from which they had been displaced in 1948, but if they tried, they would be killed or arrested and forcibly evicted. Palestinian culture has preserved collective memory made it more profound.

    The primary rationales for conducting this study, many Palestinians go through chronic and frequent traumatic experiences due to the Israeli occupation in a more straightforward way (incursions, martyrs, field executions, bombing by aircraft, using their cities, villages, and homes as training centers by the Israeli army. Furthermore, transforming homes into military sites (barracks), breaking furniture of homes, arrests, stealing Palestinian martyrs’ organs, using prisoners and Palestinians to experiment with weapons and drugs, the threat of rape, giving their homes to settlers, etc.). The Palestinians describe life as unbearable. Many conferences emphasized the importance of conducting studies on refugees in the Palestinian camps, specifically in Jordan, Syria, Lebanon, and Palestine, studying various aspects, including legal and political. To understand and consider the pervasive nature of trauma and promote environments of healing and recovery rather than practices and services that may inadvertently re-traumatize. I wondered how refugees who have experienced traumatic events felt about evictions. Their experiences and stories were conspicuously absent from the dominant literature. Yet, I suspect they might shed considerable light on the ongoing hardship. Recently, evictions in Jerusalem about Sheikh Jarrah led to military confrontation, resulting in many martyrs and injuries, internal migration, and house demolitions in the West Bank and Gaza Strip.

    This research project developed out of my ongoing interest in traumatic loss experiences among the families of Palestinian suicide martyrs in the impact of loss experiences on the levels of psychosocial, personal, and financial adaptation. This interest developed because I became aware that the available literature on the traumatic experiences of the Nakba among the first generation of Palestinian refugees, together with formal and informal reports with refugees, were inadequate with the dominant global discourses on Immigration stress and exposure to traumatic life experiences. Thus, I determined that the focus of this research would be to investigate and analyze the traumatic experiences of the Nakba after 73 years, as perceived by the first generation, with a particular emphasis on the effects of painful stories during the Nakba still affects their memory.

    Recently, awareness of mental disorders has increased after four wars in the Gaza Strip, evictions, home demolitions, and political detention. Long-term consequences such as post-traumatic disorders, depression, anxiety, and dissociation have been found (Bichescu et al., 2005). Najib et al. (2015) noted that painful experiences were prevalent among the mothers of Palestinian prisoners; 72.3% reported trauma. They continue to endure most of the pain due to the absence of their detained sons. In trying to understand the consequences of traumatic experiences (TE), scholars concerning PTSD consequences of organized political violence have lately focused mainly on refugees. Besides the very relevant studies on refugees, they have emphasized the importance of research on refugee victims of violence and still living in their countries of origin (Basoglu et al., 1994) as the only way to separate and examine the effects of organized violence between those living in their places of origin and those living in exile.

    In this case, therefore, I determined to interview the first generation of Palestinian refugees about their traumatic experiences, as elderly who have experienced awful events, to provide particular and differentiated insight into the painful experiences of such refugees as a group in camps. As a result, the specific aims of this study were firstly to elicit narratives of the traumatic experiences of the Nakba events. As mentioned earlier, there is a considerable body of literature on PTSD among emigrants but in exile. The current thesis supports the importance of research on victims of violence and their traumatic experiences who have continued to live in their countries of origin. The outcomes offer an understanding of specificity, which can help to change the current “status” regarding PTSD, lack of medical resources, traumatic narratives, and right of return.

    The following research aims were developed as a tool to identify the traumatic experiences among the first generation of the Nakba, the major focus of this current research: • Exploring the traumatic experiences indicators among the first-generation.

    • Identifying the factors that affect their memories (The memory that never erasable).

    • Identifying the total degree of traumatic experiences of the Nakba after 73 years as perceived by the first generation.

    • Identifying the impact of independent study variables with traumatic experiences of the Nakba after 73 years as perceived by the first generation. In addition, clarify the demographic differences in traumatic experiences of the Nakba after 73 years.

    1.3 The Experiences of the first generation of Palestinian refugees who have experienced the Nakba events It needs to be clarified that the focus of this research on the first generation of Palestinian refugees who suffered traumatic experiences from the Nakba events has become embedded in the memory of their painful stories and concerns about their refugee status. They also continue to live in non-viable Palestinian camps. At the same time, these experiences of refugees related to culture and organized political violence, evictions, and the right to return.

    1.4 The Collective memory of trauma among Palestinian refugees The collective memory of trauma promotes the preservation of group existence in a symbolic system, such as the right of return in symbolism (key of return) to enhance the collective self-transmitted across generations and diminishes existential threat. Moreover, a sense of historical collective self-increases group cohesion and group identification, creating existential meaning and reducing the threat. The deep sense of injustice caused by collective trauma perpetuates the memory of the trauma (Nakba as ‘traumatic’ memories) and the reluctance to close the door to the past, making collective trauma the focus of group identity and the lens through which group members understand their social environment.

    1.5 Literature Review The tragedy of Palestinian refugees began following the end of the British Mandate for Palestine at midnight on 14 May 1948, and formally declaration of the creation of the State of Israel around 78% of the Palestinian territories on the morning of 15 May (Lesch and Frankel, 2004). The Zionist armed gangs uprooted the Palestinian peoples from 20 cities and 24 villages. Suddenly, about 957 thousand Palestinians, or 66% of their residents, were rendered homeless, and it subsequently displaced the citizens of Palestine to diaspora refugee camps, known as the Palestinian disaster (Nakba). In 1948, Nakba forced more than 900,000 Palestinians to migrate from their towns and villages immediately after Zionist movements destroyed 20 cities and over 520 Palestinian villages, especially those on the Palestinian coast from Naqoura to Gaza. They have converted these places into Jewish ruins or settlements (Abu Sitta, 1997; Banat, 2002; Salama, 2006; Dayyeh et al., 2018).

    Palestinian refugees have experienced brutal conflict and still suffering from the Israeli occupation of their land and property. The Palestinian issue is unique in terms of the large size of the affected people and the duration of the problem (Lutz, 2018). Palestinian society was exposed to disasters and wars that caused many painful experiences for families, such as (martyrdom, destruction, detention, imprisonment, exile, forced deportation, etc.). We can say with no doubt that there is no single Palestinian living in or outside the Palestinian territories who have not gone through one of these events that have exceeded human resilience and affected all segments of Palestinian society (Khamaysa, 2012; Thabet et al., 2001).

    Horrible experiences are essential in social and cultural contexts; to express the structure and vision of the individual's subconscious towards a subject similar to the emerging situation, which is formed through these experiences. It also controls their imaginations in a framework torn by emotions and feelings because they go through a period of severe change in their psychological development that makes them more vulnerable to the influences of the external environment when people are exposed to stress or trauma (Khamaysa, 2012; Dayyeh et al., 2018). Therefore, children and adults can often develop or be affected by different levels and aspects during this process, with important consequences for their future (Wiese, 2010). In the event of war, as in the "Palestinian Nakba." It exposed them to the most unexpected forms of trauma that affect most aspects of their lives. Migration affects the family and significantly affects psychological growth and mental health, severe if associated with cumulative tension or painful situations among refugees (Najib et al., 2015; Wiese, 2010). War has many effects in the short and long term. However, the long-term impact of war is also catastrophic. War has a devastating effect on the health and well-being of nations. Many studies have shown that wars have caused more deaths and disabilities than any other severe disease. The gravity of the war is made possible by the fact that it initially destroys families and thus destroys society, thus disrupting the development of the State's social fabric. The long-term effects of war also have a physical and psychological impact on children and adults lead to a decrease in physical, human capital, and death. The war has other consequences, such as widespread poverty, malnutrition, various disabilities, psychosocial diseases, and countless problems and consequences (Murthy and Lakshminarayana, 2006).

    Refugees may suffer from excessive fear, imprisonment, torture, loss of employment, and malnutrition, showing psychological and physical abuse. When refugees separate from their family members, it forces them to reveal the pain, property loss events, a witness of torture or murder, and the loss of family members or close friends. These events make refugees endure harsh environmental conditions. The existence of acts of hatred against others has become a significant factor in the life of refugees. It has important health indicators and their ability to develop based on social relations, which are necessary for migration and stability (Refugee Health Technical Assistance Center, 2011). Soto (2008) says that refugees have a painful, severe, and challenging experience and need the flexibility to overcome the difficulties of rebuilding their lives. McKell (2015) said that Palestinian refugees often suffer from trauma under difficult living conditions in refugee camps, such as violence and overcrowding. These conditions lead to a greater spread of mental illness than other populations.

    The shock is an emotional response to a shocking event such as an accident, rape, or natural disaster involving unexpected emotions, memories of the past, tense relationships, and even physical symptoms such as headache or nausea. Some individuals may have difficulty moving forward in their lives (American Psychological Association, 2019). The American Psychiatric Association (2013) defined traumatic experiences as being subjected to actual or threatened death, violence/serious injury, disaster, or physical or threatened sexual violence through direct experience, viewing, or hearing about the event. Levetown (2008) showed that the shocking event might involve moving to a different place, anxiety, death of a friend, family member’s anxiety, separation from parents, mass disasters, terrorism, war, etc.

    Researchers used the word "trauma" in everyday language to indicate a very stressful event. However, the evidence of the traumatic events indicates the extreme stress that prevails over a person's ability to adapt. There are no clear categories of stress, trauma, and adaptation. Although I write about traumatic experiences among Palestinian refugees, it is also important to remember the reactions are psychological with a clear impact on social aspects. Investigators and therapists in this field define "trauma" in different ways. An Individual's experience determines whether or not an event is painful (Geller, 1992).

    Literature can indirectly open a window into traumatic experiences. We are looking for painful experiences shared by Palestinian refugees seventy-three years after the Nakba in 1948 but to no avail. The Nakba has accumulated studies in Arabic, English, and French but limits them to a particular subject under the "Arab-Israeli conflict" and impedes the entry of public opinion. These studies do not recognize trauma memory as a plain fact. Here, we must think about the history of the Palestinians since the Nakba and what it means objectively and subjectively to believe that this event was as terrible as other global disasters and that it has its circumstances, like all disasters, in academic studies. The reasons and motives of those researchers and those who tried to explain the Nakba and the traumatic experiences among refugees by linking them to certain elements associated with such limited aspects as psychology, biological, environmental, religious, and political.

    In responses and reactions to repeated traumatic experiences among refugees, memory activates, and the picture becomes clearer in a way that accepts different perceptions and interpretations. This study aims to examine the traumatic experiences of Palestine refugees 73 years after the Nakba. The Palestine Nakba is closely linked to the political and military events in Palestine. It has scattered Palestinian refugees around the world. Internal migrations continue to occur because of the policy of house demolitions and evictions of the 48 areas of Jerusalem, the Negev, within the Green Line, and in the Gaza Strip due to repeated wars. The term "collective trauma" has been used to describe the exodus crisis's impact on millions of Palestinians. Palestinians may not recognize that they are experiencing the effects of collective trauma; it may leave many asking: What is collective trauma? The term refers to the psychological reactions of a traumatic event affecting an entire society; and remembers a terrible incident that happened to a group of people. Therefore, collective memory prevails beyond the lives of direct survivors of events and is remembered by group members who may be far removed from traumatic events in time and space (Hirschberger, 2018). Such collective memory of the disaster experienced by the group's predecessors in the past may give rise to the selected dynamic of trauma that weaves the relationship between trauma, memory, and existential security (Volkan, 1997). Collective trauma is a catastrophic event that devastates the fundamental fabric of society. During the first half-century after 1948, the memory of the Nakba (or "catastrophe" in Arabic) when more than 700000 Palestinians were expelled during the establishment of the State of Israel. Those who have suffered trauma have not been unable to process it. This fact, combined with the deliberate efforts by Israel and the Arab States to remove/or erase the Palestinian identity, led to the repression of their collective memory for a long time (Milshtein, 2021). According to Sanbar (2001), the Palestinian people suffered a traumatic experience that cannot be erased from their collective memory.

    1.6 Palestinian Generations The Palestinian Nakba began in 1948 and represented the beginning of one last remaining settler-state colonial occupations and the longest and largest unresolved refugee crisis since the Second World War (Pappé, 2006). Every generation has absorbed and strengthened its national and personal Palestinian identity, naturally and organically, by osmosis from its parents. Just as Jews have done for thousands of years, people worldwide increasingly appreciate the justice of the Palestinian issue and criminal and cruel behavior (Khouri, 2015). In the context of the importance of the study, the scholar divided Palestinian generations into five categories according to wars and conflicts experienced by each generation, as follows: 1.6.1 The first generation (grandparents): From the grandparents' era, the first Palestinian generation around 1900-1920 was the generation that saw the duplicitous British colonial powers make conflicting promises to Arabs and Zionists about the future status of the land after World War I (Khouri, 2015). The generation experienced the 1948 war, also known as the Nakba. Palestinians refer to the human tragedy when forcibly displaced from their homes and witnessed the removal of most political, economic, and cultural monuments. The Jewish State has also founded on the ruins of homes, lands, freedom, and Palestinian rights and self-determination.

    1.6.2 The second-generation (parents): Around 1920-1947, the second Palestinian generation resisted an existential threat created by large-scale Jewish immigration to Palestine to establish a Jewish "national home." The parents' generation tried but failed to resist a colonial power and Zionist plans to build the Jewish State (Khouri, 2015).

    1.6.3 The third generation (youth): The third Palestinian generation who lived around 1948-1970 was stunned by the loss of Palestine lands, eviction, and the new state of Israel. They could only count on the support of the Arab States in the battle to restore their Palestinian land and rights, which was unsuccessful and reached a nadir in the losses of the June 1967 war (Khouri, 2015).

    1.6.4 The fourth generation (children): The generation that witnessed the Al-Aqsa uprising in 2000 is a massive, conscious, organized, inclusive, and mass stand against Sharon's entry into the Al-Aqsa Mosque. It is a confirmation of the Arab identity of Jerusalem, which is the heart of Palestine. The Al-Aqsa Intifada began in the wake of the provocative visit by (Ariel Sharon) to Al-Aqsa Mosque on Thursday 09/28/2000 and the heinous massacre committed by the Israeli occupation forces against the Palestinian Arab people in the squares of the Al-Aqsa Mosque during Friday prayers at 29/09/2000 (The Higher Movement Committee at Department of Media and Culture in Palestine, 2005: 123).

    1.6.5 The fifth generation (grandchildren): Since 2000, the fifth Palestinian generation has taken to the streets of Palestine to fight and to do everything possible to end this conflict and get its national freedom. This generation, including grandchildren, was born or matured during the Oslo accords years, which established neither statehood nor an end to Zionist occupation and colonization (Khouri, 2015).

    1.7 Psychological trauma Trauma is not a new term in psychoanalysis and history. It received widespread attention from intellectuals and scientists in the social, psychological, and human sciences. In the early 1990s, the ranking of studies emerged as "trauma studies" published by Felman to help people learn about Holocaust events and memories and to deal with survivors of the Jewish Holocaust based on clinical and psychological interventions. Caruth combined literature with clinical studies mimicking historical trauma such as the Jewish Holocaust and the Hiroshima atomic bomb attack. Moreover, the spread of trauma in the American genocide, the atomic bomb on Hiroshima and Nagasaki, the fragmentation of India, and the civil war in Northern Ireland, South Africa, and Sri Lanka; even in the themes of sexual exploitation and homosexuality (Felman, 1992; Caruth, 1995, 1996).

    Trauma in everyday language refers to all kinds of pressures experienced by individuals. But the clue to understanding traumatic events is that they indicate the extreme stress that overwhelms a person's ability to cope. There are no clear categories of stress, trauma, and adaptation. Although I am writing about incredible experiences among Palestinian refugees, it is also essential to remember reactions to tension are also clearly psychological. Moreover, different scientists and therapists in this field know trauma in different ways (Geller, 1992). I want to emphasize that the individual's own experience determines whether the event is traumatic. The concept of "collective memory," which stems from Maurice Halbwachs' pioneering reflections on "Social Frameworks of Memory" (1925), having raised vital insanity in the mid-1970s, became widely questioned. It's a metaphor, a sociological imagination, or even a holistic ideology. However, in its social or collective dimension, the concept of memory has become familiar and thus transparent. The subject of many works in the social sciences is no longer called into question. It has mobilized the interest of social, political, collective, and ordinary actors in media if it is appropriate to designate all those who value their history or that of their family, who are interested in the past of their neighborhood, village, city, and region, and in the preservation and transmission of the latter (Lavabre, 2016). While the term "trauma" atypically refers to the effect of a traumatic incident on an individual or a few people, collective trauma refers to a traumatic experience that affects and involves entire groups of people, neighborhoods, or societies. Collective trauma is exceptional in which dangerous stimuli overwhelm the individual's capacity to regulate emotions, bringing distress and negative consequences to individuals and changing the fabric of the entire society (Erikson, 1976).

    Sociologist Kai Erikson describes the relationships and differences between individual and collective trauma and its influence on the ego (self): “By individual trauma, it means a shock to the self that happens through one’s defenses so abruptly and with such harsh force that one cannot respond to it adequately… on the other hand, by collective trauma, it means a hit to the primary networks of social life that break the relations attaching people and reduces the general sense of common identity. The collective trauma goes its way deliberately and with harmful effects (insidiously) into the consciousness of those who suffer from painful events. Therefore, it is a continuous recognition that the community no longer exists as an efficient source of support and that an essential part of the ego has vanished… ‘We’ no longer exist as a combined both or as cells in a larger collective body.” (Erikson, 1976:153–154).

    The disastrous picture of the long-term effects of the collective trauma depicted by Erikson is how traumatic historical events affect individuals and groups. Trauma is undoubtedly devastating. It often found unexpectedly meaning in disaster, facilitated by processes of meaning formation (Frankl, 1959/ 1976; Davis et al., 1998). Trauma may contribute to the existence and creation of the national narrative, and then the sense of identity (Alexander et al., 2004; Canetti et al., 2018, Khamaysa et al., 2021a, 2021b), and the models of cognitive work that ostensibly work to ensure the safety and wellbeing for all and provide the values and principles for the future (Bar-Tal et al., 1992; Hirschberger et al., 2017).

    In its roles and centers, culture constitutes the cultural and social structures of the Palestinian people. Also, the content of socialization moves from parents to children and from generation to generation. On the other hand, values are standard rules on which society relies to evaluate and judge individual behavior in different situations and contexts of life. What is consistent with these values is accepted, and contrary to them is deviant, exceptional, or abnormal. Palestinian society has been exposed to disasters and wars that have caused many painful experiences for families, such as (martyrdom, destruction, detention, imprisonment, exile, forced deportation, etc.). Furthermore, these events affected all segments of Palestinian society. Palestinian culture is based on the desire for revenge that arises when individuals perceive those members of their community are traumatized or humiliated (Khamaysa et al., 2021a). e.g., the apparent interest of poets and artists in the subject of martyrdom, composing songs and poetry to embody their image of heroes in the collective memory and documenting their heroic stories through these literary works to serve as the (collective memory of Palestine) of stories, books, biographies, poems, and movies (Khamaysa et al., 2021b). Therefore, collective trauma may facilitate the construction of unique elements of meaning and social identity aims, values, effectiveness, and collective value (Vignoles et al., 2006; Olick et al., 2011). Actually, these trauma effects on the construction of collective meaning may increase over time from the traumatic event (Klar et al., 2013) because memory concentration shifts from the painful loss of lives to long-term lessons sets of trauma.

    Trauma occurs when human beings experience sudden and unexpected adverse events, leading to an imbalance in the individual leading to some mental and behavioral disorders, including natural phenomena such as earthquakes or man-made phenomena, such as war, domestic violence, and forced migration (Altawil et al., 2008b; Altawil and Nel, 2008a). Here, three structural factors behind the trauma. First, the onset of trauma is associated with an external causative agent rather than the person who causes the traumatic experience to themselves. A traumatic event or experience is also associated with its sudden and unpredictable nature. Another factor associated with the formation of trauma is the experience of an unwanted violation of an individual's physical, emotional, or psychological privacy, either due to a person or other event. The third factor contributing to trauma is a sense of loss of control. So, the experience of loss of control exposes feelings of helplessness, insecurity, and vulnerability (Suri, 2012: 674).

    In the event of war, as with the 1948 Palestinian exodus, it exposed people to the most terrible forms of trauma and tension that impacted most aspects of their lives. Migration affects the family and significantly interferes with psychological development and mental health, which can be severe if associated with cumulative tension or traumatic situations among refugees (Najib et al., 2015; Wiese, 2010). Wars and disasters have adverse effects on the physical, psychological and social aspects of their lives. Lack of essential trust in their surroundings can adversely affect their curious behavior and sovereignty, expressed in disorderly behavior (Khamaysa, 2012; Wiese, 2010; Najib et al., 2015). Refugees suffered from many very traumatic events because of resettlement, political oppression, war, and migration. It is even difficult to determine all the events they suffered, as the trauma of the refugees often predates the initial experience associated with the war that leads them to flee (Mollica et al., 1992).

    The psychological hardship caused by the martyrdom of children or fathers, and loss, will get to a high degree leading it to the top of the list of themes to be studied for several reasons; the most important of which is the prevalence of the situation where you can find a martyr in every family and street in camps and cities. A Palestinian family has lost more than one member, and this exacerbates grief and suffering. In addition, the loss of property is Israel's policy of collective punishment and displacement, such as the demolition of houses and the confiscation and bulldozing of land. Moreover, these effects are not transitory but may persist for relatively long periods, varying from person to person. It is, therefore, necessary to study this psychological suffering to reduce its negative impact on Palestinian society.

    Everyone is under pressure in their lives, but when the event is stressful, it's called a "traumatic experience." They were directly affected, such as survivors, victims' relatives, ambulance and rescue workers, and friends. Also, who witnessed the tragedies and destruction, whether they saw the event themselves or were exposed to it on the ground or television and social media. Some events make the experience painful, such as serious injury, absolute powerlessness, a feeling of terror, the threat of physical injury, or death. Mujik-Biz (2020) indicated that the survivors affected by the trauma of 11 September 2001 would be disrupted for some time. It's hard for anyone to go back to their usual routine. In the Nakba issue, it refused witnesses to forget the events of the Nakba and confirmed revived the events of Nakba Day, recalling that exile and repression are unforgettable. Moreover, there is positive potential in the standoff between those who seek to reconcile with the tragedy of the past and embrace a future of coexistence and those who choose denial and conflict (Todorova, 2013). Traumatic experiences do not lead to long-term disability for most individuals. It is normal to experience such events throughout a lifetime; Often, individuals, families, and communities respond to their resilience (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2014).

    1.8 Manifestations of loss in Palestinian society 1. Loss of homeland.

    2. Loss of physical and health supplies essential for life.

    3. Loss of economic security.

    4. Loss of security and safety.

    5. The loss of the usual social role in the family.

    6. Loss of self-worth sensitivity.

    7. Loss of sense of innocence and purity.

    8. Loss of father's guidance in the process of social normalization (Abu Ayesh, 2006: 7).

    1.9 Types of traumatic events Post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) is a kind of mental health suffering that can develop in people exposed to traumatic events—caused by human beings, such as war and sexual exploitation. Additionally, natural life events include death, intractable diseases, earthquakes, and fires. Some people are more vulnerable than others and suffer the most (Radwan, 2018). Classifying trauma as natural or human-induced can significantly affect how people interact with it and the help mobilized in its aftermath. Natural shocks can directly affect a few people, such as a tree falling on a car during a rainstorm, or many people and communities, as with a hurricane. Natural events, often referred to as "acts of God," are inevitable. A human failure such as technological disasters, accidents, hatred, and human innovation as war causes human trauma. Although multiple factors contribute to the severity of natural or human trauma, trauma perceived as intentionally harmful makes the event more traumatic for people and communities. According to the Treatment Improvement Protocol, there are various categories and types of trauma (U.S. Department of Health And Human Services, 2014).

    1.10 Theoretical approaches to psychological trauma 1.10.1 The Behavioral theory There is a correlation between behavioral theory and learning theories that emphasize the importance of an individual's response gained because of a particular stimulus leading to a response created. So, helps understand the traumatic experience through graphology theory. Trauma, events, wars, and acts of violence are unconditional alarms that give rise to fear and utter physiological reactions, and generalization occurs in response to a fear of attitude and stimuli that symbolize trauma or similarity with its tools and speaks of a gained alarm. It means that generalizing severe fear can be a gained reaction (Asaad, 1994: 96).

    The researcher considers that behavioral methods are among the most appropriate for the Palestinian people and most receptive to individuals, most notably the gradual attraction of sensitivity, if they experience psychological trauma, for both adults and young people. Thus, determining disorder in behavioral problems, especially among children, most notably the enhancement methods in their forms, modeling, and response cost. In this context, Scott and Stradling (1992) showed that a stimulus, if very severe, can respond to other stimuli like its severity, intensity, and characteristics but differ from it in its source. For example, an individual may remember the sound of powerful gunshots or a grenade explosion that may have occurred before. When they hear a loud and loud noise from any new non-military civilian source, they distribute the previous stimulus to the current stimulus and then generalize the previous response to a similar response. According to the researcher, behavioral theory explains trauma symptoms as being educated and gained in response to individuals. When exposed to a particular stimulus, it is a sign of the danger and damage that causes it to respond to emotional and behavioral responses as symptoms of suffering in this stimulator. Here, the individual generalizes the incentive to other similar stimuli, and then their response to the old stimuli can be generalized to the new stimulus.

    1.10.2 The Cognitive theory The cognitive model aims to make a person aware of what happens, how suffering arises, and the same depends on a person's view of themselves or the world. The personal views also identify the cognitive values, beliefs, and models that distinguish one person from another, and trauma undoubtedly destabilizes these unique structures. To see and adapt to reality to balance joy and pain, and to understand reality in a way that allows them to adapt to it acceptably, to maintain self-esteem, and to want to communicate and talk to others. Three beliefs explain a person's position on reality or beyond humanity, that this world is the source of good, that this world has manageable value and meaning, and that ego has value and importance. When a disaster occurs, beliefs and hopes are shattered, people feel resentment, despair, and lack faith in what happened, so positive beliefs become hostile, and the outside world becomes terrifying. Disaster destroys the ego and loses its meaning and value. Here, the importance of cognitive therapy, which deals accurately with negative thoughts and beliefs, is demonstrated so that a person with psychological trauma can rebuild his experience and change his "perception of oneself, reality and others" (Epstein, 1991; Jacob, 1999). In this context (Hassanein, 2004) indicated that cognitive theory links the traumatic experiences or pressures of the individual himself to the surrounding environment. The cognitive theory considers the individual and environment intertwined, increasing the individual's adaptability and vice versa. There is a similarity between analytic and cognitive theory in understanding and interpreting an individual's relationship to the environment, and under shocking circumstances, both are considered a "reactive relationship." Similarly, an individual's relationship with the environment is disrupted when external or internal demands increase, so the individual moves their resources to repair the relationship.

    Cognitive processes are the basis for understanding traumatic experiences from the point of view of cognitive theory. An individual's awareness of events, attitudes, and people depend on the plans of knowledge that an individual makes, through which they understand things, attitudes, and people. If interest, love, and acceptance distinguish the relationship between people, the individual must judge himself, the family, and society positively and safely. He thus leaves himself, his family, and his community in love, respect, and appreciation, a painful experience, or a stressful experience, which he may adapt to the above optimistic view of events and things, and with the help of family and supportive society. In addition, if "childish" experiences are neglected and rejected, the child will feel insecure and dissatisfied, making him feel negative and negatively judge the community (themselves, their family, social environment). Suppose self, family, and society do not give him security and security. In that case, he will be overly dangerous and evil, it will further complicate his life, and he may have psychological disorders resulting from traumatic experiences (Al-Otaibi, 2001: 122).

    As a researcher, cognitive methods of exposure to traumatic events and symptoms of trauma avoidance are the most effective way to overcome stages of trauma to achieve psychosocial compatibility. A study by Khamaysa (2012) refers to a model that closely explains other factors associated with traumatic experiences, explaining the traumatic experience that occurs to an individual, as an interaction with internal sources that include both (thinking, emotions, and performance), with family as a relationship between a person and the environment in which violence occurs. Thus, mental health depends directly on their mental capacity and performance and on performing the family to interact with society.

    1.10.3 The Information Processing theory Information processing (events) is one of the most influential theories to explain PTSD (Horowitz, 1986). The approach to information processing combines behavioral, educational, and cognitive theories of PTSD because emotional experiences continue to influence one's behaviors long after an emotional event has ended. Re-experimentation can generate a pattern of traumatic memory avoidance and maintenance of PTSD (Foa et al., 1989; Foa & Jaycox, 1999; González-prendes and Resko, 2012). In the same vein, González-Prendes et al. (2012) indicated that information structures in memory represent emotions. In addition, they found the memory associated with the information of the spooky stimulus, the public responses (physiological, verbal, and behavioral) to the stimulus, and the meaning that the individual attached to the stimulus.

    The information invades the brain from every direction and is then absorbed and processed (coding, coding solution, behavior), some of which are not processed because the information is incomplete. Besides the nervous system's capacity (recipient) in disasters and trauma, many painful stimuli are not proportional to a person's experiences and cognitive models because they go beyond the correct framework of human experience. These lead to distortion and disruption in information processing (Horowitz, 1986). Here, painful information (or stimuli) remains active and continues to painfully pressure the person trying in vain to keep him out of consciousness until he feels comfortable and safe. However, a person with psychological trauma usually resorts to negative defensive tactics such as denial, fatigue, and avoidance. These defensive mechanisms are the prominent features of PTSD, meaning that traumatic stimuli were subject to the principle of compulsive repetition of disorder. The memory of trauma (nightmares, thoughts, images, dreams) and painful stimuli pressure a person to be treated. Jacob (1999) and Horowitz (1986) believed that processing shocking information should go through multiple stages, rejection, resentment, crying, trauma, avoidance, denial, and trauma, as well as the oscillation between avoidance, denial and trauma, transition, and the overlapping of shocking information in a person's entity.

    1.11 Common Reactions to Trauma A traumatic experience is emotional trauma and can cause many painful problems as a common reaction in people after trauma. Thus, each individual responds differently to traumatic events so that they may have some of these reactions more than others, and some may not have them at all. Each of us will have a shocking event. It can be a car accident, an emergency medical condition, a natural disaster, or a fire - or another person's trauma has injured it, such as robbery, occupation-related fighting, or aggression. In addition, trauma can come from watching someone else get seriously hurt or killed or hearing something terrible happen to someone we love. Whatever the source, the trauma leaves its imprint on the brain. Therefore, empirical studies consistently show that PTSD is linked with higher brain activity dealing with fear and low activity in parts of the frontal lobe cortex (Rothbaum, Foa, and Hembree, 2007; Gillihan, 2016).

    1. Fear and anxiety 2. Re-experiencing of trauma 3. Increased arousal 4. Avoidance 5. Guilt and shame 6. Grief and depression 7. The self-image and views of the world 8. Communication changes 9. Defense Mechanism 1.12 Narratives of traumatic experiences and stress 1.12.1 Being detained, humiliated, and killed Palestinian refugees interviewed reported that Israeli gangs had detained groups of women, children, and men and were unaware of their fate. So, they're worried about these groups because they can't get news from these people or even their families and relatives.

    Haj Samer said: "I was providing treatment services to the wounded during the attack by Zionist forces, and then we had to move from Majdal village towards the Gaza Strip. It's been horrible days. The horror of the situation and the shooting shocked my mother. I always told her it was okay, but the truth is the opposite. I felt death near me every time I saw the bodies on the ground, and the hardest thing I've ever experienced, even at the moment I could never forget, was when I found out that one martyr was my brother. It was hard because I couldn't leave or carry all the bodies, which exhausted me and still made me feel guilty. I will not forget the fact that the Palestinian refugees were arrested and killed. The fact has made me shocked and humiliated by the silence of the entire world." 1.12.2 Being stuck in camps with lack of medical care, diaspora, and helplessness Participants interviewed in Palestinian camps reported they could not return to their villages and homes because of fear of detention and murder. Israeli forces displaced them in 1948. However, remembering past adverse events is a factor that increases participants' fear.

    Haj Mohamoud Hassania said: “UNRWA is small. There are so-called refugees as long as UNRWA exists, there are refugees, and if UNRWA goes, there will be no refugees and no issue.” He added: “As refugees, who can treat themselves?! If one of us gets sick, he should be treated at the hospital at his own expense.” Haj Khalid Ahmed Abu Tama'a said: “UNRWA did not build me a home, did not educate anyone from my family, and did not provide any service to a member of my family.” He added: “Now I'm 80 years old, I stay home without UNRWA care. Every year they come once to visit me to see if I'm dead or alive. Therefore, no, the policy of ignoring and reducing the services adopted by the United Nations and the United States of America.”He continued: “When I feel sick, whatever it is, they only give me painkillers or aspirin. Who thinks painkillers will cure humans suffering from disease?” Mohammed Mustafa Jawabreh said: “As long as our problem exists... we are scattered. The international community has deputed the UNRWA with its responsibility to reduce our suffering. Still, unfortunately, it is now clear to the Palestinian people the UNRWA has destroyed the Palestinian issue and refugee's issue." He added: "The UNRWA clinic doctor writes you the prescription when you are outside the door before he sees you or conducts the medical examination. The drug prescribed is the same for all kinds of health problems and is a painkiller that is not useful for treating those diseases." Along the same lines, Al Hajjah Zeinab Mahmoud Salem said: "Where do I go for treatment? I have nothing, no money, no son, no husband, and brother to take me to the hospital for treatment? UNRWA has a duty to do so.” Haj Majid Mustafa Albulasi said: “I am a Palestinian refugee. My treatment costs about 6,500 shekels and is not available in UNRWA clinics or government health centers. As well, I appeal to UNRWA to establish a health committee for the residents of this camp. I confirm I do not have enough money to take care of myself and my family. Please tell me, where should I go?” Haj Mohamoud Hassania said: “It’s called a refugee camp. What does that mean? I have nothing to own and only a house with poor living conditions.

    He added: “There are houses that are hard to live in, so animals do not accept living in those houses if it’s true to say they are houses.” Along the same lines, Haj Khalid Ahmed Abu Tama’a said: “We’re here in a refugee camp, like the dead. He confirmed we are dead, not alive.” He added: “They made this a refugee camp like detention camps.” Mohammed Mustafa Jawabreh said: “We, you know what I mean my parents, lived in this house inside the camp, and they were just two people, and at least 28 members of the family live in the same house now; nothing has changed since.” Haj Mahmoud Ahmed Hassania said: "Is there any country in this world where there are no Palestinian people? They exist all over the world, like (America, UK, Australia, Canada, and Europe). In the entire world, you find us scattered." He added: "Everyone has brothers and uncles and cousins and all of us in separate areas." 1.12.3 Anxiety and Fear Participants interviewed reported that they had been exposed to a severe fear of being arrested and seeing corpses and demolished houses. They also confirmed that they could not access basic needs and suffered from hunger and thirst while living in caves and tents during the Nakba displacement.

    Haj Ismail from the Gaza Strip said: “When we immigrated and had nothing to protect us from the cold, we dug a big hole and slept in it like the dead inside their graves. My little sister’s words emotionally touched me when she was four years old when she asked me if this was a big grave for us”. ... “From that moment on, I could not confront the feelings of fear towards the idea of death or talk about those bitter feelings that accompanied these difficult memories, which were buried inside me for 73 years”.

    1.12.4 Insecurity and uncertain Participants reported that, following the withdrawal of Arab forces from many areas where they protected Palestinians, Zionist forces had committed the most horrific massacres in Deir Yassin and Al-Dawayima. They stated that leaving the Palestinians in such an insecure situation had created a great sense of insecurity for all. Giacaman (2011) examined human security in Palestinian society and shows that high levels of human insecurity are linked with destruction, loss, and war-related factors. It also revealed that poverty, displacement, and forms of repressive regime lead to a high level of human insecurity.

    Al Hajjah Wajih, she is one of the people who experienced the events of the Nakba and witnessed the loss of their loved ones, said: “The Zionist gangs attacked us and killed my brother Sami, my mother and my father, and they took my little brother to an unknown destination, and Ali and Hussein traveled to Libya and the family was shattered. They left only women and children with pain and fear”.

    Haji Abdul-Khalek Shabib (Abu Khalil) said with tears in his eyes: “The Zionist gangs deserted us from Ein Karem, southwest of Jerusalem, and we fled to Beit Jala, but the Zionist gangs started hitting us with mine launchers. Therefore, some people fled to Jordan.” Shabib also says, my mother told me: “Why we’ll be staying here alone, you see everyone’s gone from here. Especially after the Zionist gangs occupied Deir Yassin and killed women, children, and youth.” Abu Khalil says, “I had three little sisters. I was carrying my sisters on my back one by one to a distant place. We barely reached Beit Jala.” He remembers the past days and says: “When almond trees were blooming; we used to move from tree to tree like birds, and we had all kinds of fruits (apricots, peaches, apples), every tree had a story, every street had a story, and every piece of land had a story.” 1.12.5 Death and mourning The refugees interviewed reported that Palestinian families lost many men, children, and women and could not reach the bodies or graves of their loved ones. They noted some families found some people alive in other countries such as Libya, Lebanon, Jordan, and others. They also found several bodies of people murdered in groups. However, they could not perform their religious traditions for the deceased or get a healthy grieving process.

    Al Hajjah Zainab Salem from I’rak Al-Manshiyeh said: “The dearest person passed away, Israel has dispersed us, what can we do about this suffering? We live in separate areas. The enjoyable days have gone away to be replaced by painful days.” She added, “My family comprises my brother and I; our father passed away when I was one year old. I am here in the al-Arroub refugee camp and my brother in Amman, I can’t see him, nor he does, I can’t reach nor does he.” She continued further, “There is no dignity for Palestinians, and they have nothing; there is no parallel for Palestinians in the humiliation and the insult they live in.” Along the same lines, Haj Mahmoud Kednawi from the village of Kudna said: “Death but not humiliation, either a respectable life or death.” He added, “Death is better than being humiliated. We were not created as Palestinian refugees for humiliation and insulation inside camps.” One 83-year-old Palestinian woman who survived the Deir Yassin massacre 73 years ago remembers that time with great grief and pain. The Zionist gangs killed more than 250 Palestinians on 9 April 1948, when they carried out a deadly attack on the western Jerusalem village of Deir Yassin. Al Hajjah Mariam Akil (Um Osama) lost her father, mother, and two brothers in the massacre when she was just ten years old. She lives in the Sheikh Jarrah neighborhood in occupied East Jerusalem and is one of the last witnesses to the massacre. Akil said: “The Jews went down to the village towards dawn, surrounded the village, and did not want anyone to escape from the village. They had come to kill us all, and women and children began to flee when the attack broke out, but no one survived the Jewish bullets, and clashes continued throughout the day. Our entire house was under fire. Our mother didn’t know where to hide us, she recalled. The Zionist gang took my 16-year-old brother out into the garden and bowed his head, and they shot five bullets in his head. They killed him in front of my sister’s eyes,” she said through tears.” 1.12.6 Loss of dignity and right of return The Palestinian refugees interviewed stated that they had lost life, hope, dream, and dignity, pending a just and lasting solution to their plight under applicable international law and United Nations resolutions. They also believe that there is no dignity for refugees without excellent health services, peace, education, justice, and the restoration of usurped rights. Our right to return to our homeland and property is sacred, non-negotiable, and not time-barred.

    Haj Mahmoud Ahmed Hassania said:“Our dignity [Our dignity], Death but not humiliation, either an honorable life or quick death.” He confirmed: “an honorable life or quick death.” Haj Khalid Ahmed Abu Tama’a said: “Me our honor is our home, it is in gathering our families of our scattered Palestinian people. We have Palestinian people who gave up to our enemy and who live in the diaspora. The world is killing, compromising and slaughtering us as we don’t have an issue”.

    Along the same lines, Al Hajjah Zeinab Mahmoud Salem said: “There is no dignity for the Palestinian people and nothing they have… these people live in humiliation and insult; where is dignity when a man who has ten kids becomes a prisoner and leaves his family for begging and charity centers? Does he have dignity in such a case?!” Haj Mahmoud Ahmed Hassania said: “Everyone who has a right he will take it. Falsehood doesn’t still forever. Right is stable, Sooner or later everyone will take his right”. He added,” I’m Palestinian, my father is a Palestinian, my grandfather is a Palestinian, and my son is a Palestinian. So, I will live and die a Palestinian. The word “Palestinian” doesn’t end. It will never end.” He continued further, “I’m Palestinian, my father is a Palestinian, my grandfather is a Palestinian and my son is a Palestinian too. I will live and die a Palestinian. The word “Palestinian” doesn’t end, and it will never end.” Also, he added, “No rest for all the world that is made by God, as long as the Palestinians issue is not solved… no rest for the world, even if just four Palestinians have survived. There is no comfort will be achieved for all people in countries and all the presidents (countries, kings, presidents and even their people), it’s the “enigma” so how it would be solved.” Haj Khalid Ahmed Abu Tama’a said: “The ones who died as martyrs died not for food, but they died for their home and religion… they didn’t die for food”.

    He added, “If you give me my right, I will not fight you, but if you don’t give me my right, I will fight you, till becoming martyr. Who told you that the Palestinian issue has died? The Palestinian issue exists as long as there is a Palestinian who shouts in all over the world.” He continued further,“The Palestinian issue is alive, and there is no comfort mainly because of the refugees’ issue, which is the main reason for the lack of rest in the entire world from West to East.” Mohammed Mustafa Jawabreh said: “I have a right, and it’s not far away, it’s since yesterday,... turn me back, give me my right to live in peace you, me and whole world, but if my right is still stolen… I will never abdicate, and I’m ready to sacrifice and to do my best for this issue; for its right which I will not hand it over even if the price is prohibitive as my life or more expensive”.

    Along the same lines, Al Hajjah Zeinab Mohmoud Salem said: “I swear they became martyrs for their home and for themselves to go back home.” She continued further, “I will not accept any alternative instead of the home till the sea dries and becomes a soil, and till the sand is folded and trying to design a dress for it. I will not be satisfied with any alternative”.

    1.13 The transmission of traumatic experiences across Palestinian generations from 1948 to the present 1.13.1 The experience of migration 1.13.2 The experience of violence 1.13.3 The experience of loss 1.13.4 The experience of home demolition 1.13.5 The experience of detention 1.13.6 The experience of raids (night and day) 1.13.7 The experience of amputation 1.13.8 The experience of gas inhalation 1.13.9 The experience of hearing gunfire 1.13.10 The experience of frequented Israeli incursions 1.14 Intergenerational transmission of parental Nakba (Cross generations) Nakba events can revive post-traumatic stress disorders in each generation as members continue to witness the effects of the initial trauma experienced by previous generations, even when the new generation is concealed from the specifics of the trauma narrative. Each successive generation might then exhibit its trauma symptomatology, which is often different from symptoms revealed by the prior generation (Milner et al., 2010). They possibly involve the transmission of trauma from one generation to the next, apparently in the offspring’s proclivity for growth following subsequent trauma (Dekel et al., 2013). Some survivors from the catastrophe reported that they developed their intimate relationships by proposing to establish a secure and supported space, to counterbalance the psychological uncertainty and lack of emotional security they felt linked with their parents’ struggles in covering their experiences (Somer et al., 2014).

    The traumatic events experienced during any displacement stage could last long after a family has settled into their current life and alternative home country. Meanwhile, the grandparents and parents adapt to their psychological distress. Their caregiving performance and efficiency may be crucially endangered, and their offspring may suffer because of the initial first-generation trauma (Ornelas et al., 2011). It absorbs the historical trauma into the cultural memory of the group and flows from generation to generation in the exact mechanisms by which culture is generally transmitted (Duran et al., 1995). The direct long-term impact of forced displacement on those who have experienced the exodus, scholars have demonstrated that associated symptoms reproduce into the next generation (Sack et al., 1995; Montgomery et al., 2001; Daoud et al., 2012). The traumatic experiences of the Nakba are prevalent among the first generation of Palestinian refugees. Also reported seventy-seven percent of the Palestinian refugees surveyed going through traumatic experiences. The study revealed that gender and household members were significant predictors of traumatic experiences among the first generation of the Nakba. These traumatic experiences of the Nakba have become firm in the collective memory of the Palestinian refugees (Dayyeh et al., 2018).

    Theoretical knowledge in sociology and psychology showed parental trauma experiences are determined to become family secrets, where behavioral patterns and suffering are transmitted between generations. However, displaced refugees share experiences with their descendants more than the non-displaced ones because taking part in traumatic experiences may contribute to recalling traumatic experiences. However, indirectly, their emotional responses to their offspring may serve as an indicator of the transmission of trauma (Dalgaard et al., 2015; Banat, Entrena-Durán, and Dayyeh, 2018). By discussing the phenomenon of "conspiracy of silence" reported by those who experienced events that caused much suffering within the families of Holocaust survivors, this transmission of trauma may happen because of intra-family communication and how the survivors communicate about their children's traumatic experiences (Sorscher et al., 1997; Lichtman, 1984; Fromm, 2011; Braga et al., 2012; Giladi et al., 2013). Based on psychodynamic approaches, researchers assert that transmission of trauma is due to the lack of open communication about the past and the emotional withdrawal, which is assumed to represent the survivor parent. It looked at the transmission of trauma because of unconscious displaced emotions (Danieli, 1998; Kellermann, 2001; Katz, 2003; Shmotkin et al., 2011).

    1.15 Conclusions The traumatic events of the Nakba have become embedded in the collective consciousness of different Palestinian generations. Therefore, the collective memory of trauma plays a pivotal role in the survival of the Palestinian issue vivid among refugees. It also reinforced the social group's identity with tradition, heritage, and oral narrative to give its members a sense of community. The content of collective memories testifies the apparent signs of cultural trauma associated with a particular historical period. According to the analysis of recorded post-memory processes, cultural trauma is reflected in the memories of generations who have experienced war-related trauma. In addition, the younger generation's attitude towards traumatic events is beyond personal experience. Therefore, the characterization of historical significance is an essential condition in the collective consciousness (Baranova et al., 2019). So, the Palestinian refugees have preserved a strong collective consciousness. In this context, Durkheim (1893) described it as a collective consciousness based on shared beliefs, ideas, and moral attitudes that serve as a unifying force within society.

    Families were fragmented, communities, cities, and neighborhoods were destroyed, and it changed the names of Arab regions to Hebrew to obscure Palestinian Arab identity. In this sense, the "Nakba" includes the loss of property. "The suffering and plight of the Palestinians" encompass all kinds of social, political, historical, and cultural deprivation, dramatically affecting Palestinian society, aspirations, and identity (Adwan, 2011). It suddenly expelled Palestinians who once lived in a boom in their homes and on their land, uprooted and forced to become refugees. They lost everything, houses, land, material property, clothing, photographs, furniture, rare books, and magazines. The identity in this depiction of the Nakba as constant is painful, profound (displacement), and other traumatic tragedies and their representation as variables, and peculiarities, such as repeated deportation, scattered family members, subsequent wars, discrimination, and deaths (AbuKhoti, 2018). In the same context, Mahmoud Al-Namurah said: “I lost my library, known as the Treasure of Knowledge, which included more than 5.000 rare scientific and literary books, along with newspapers from Egyptian and Turkish archives.” Trauma and psychological pain have severely affected the first generation of Palestinian refugees. However, these feelings have transcended generations and are still present, intensely felt, and embodied in participation in Earth Day, return marches, etc. The second, third, and fourth generations of refugees today still carry a great sense of injustice, loss, guilt, and pain, and living as strangers and forgotten people. Trauma has negative consequences, including depression, anxiety, post-traumatic stress disorder, and other mental problems, along with negative assumptions of the world and self-beliefs.

    Palestinian refugees continue living with narratives and memories of grandparents. They dream of returning to their homes and lands and regaining what is right for them. The most painful aspect of this situation is that there is no certainty when or if this will happen and continue to narrate between generations about the plight of the Palestinians, which adults, young, and children will never forget. Everything will remain engraved and rooted in Palestinian collective memory. Those incredible experiences associated with the names of people, homes, and land will transmit passed down from generation to generation.

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